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About the Book
"How to Know the Will of God" by John Edmiston is a practical guide to understanding and discerning God's will for your life. The book covers key concepts such as hearing God's voice, interpreting signs and symbols, and seeking guidance through prayer and scripture. It emphasizes the importance of aligning your desires with God's plan and offers practical strategies for making decisions that are in line with His will.
John Wesley
John Wesley, (born June 17, 1703, Epworth, Lincolnshire, Englandâdied March 2, 1791, London), Anglican clergyman, evangelist, and founder, with his brother Charles, of the Methodist movement in the Church of England.
John Wesley was the second son of Samuel, a former Nonconformist (dissenter from the Church of England) and rector at Epworth, and Susanna Wesley. After six years of education at the Charterhouse, London, he entered Christ Church, Oxford University, in 1720. Graduating in 1724, he resolved to become ordained a priest; in 1725 he was made a deacon by the bishop of Oxford and the following year was elected a fellow of Lincoln College. After assisting his father at Epworth and Wroot, he was ordained a priest on September 22, 1728.
Recalled to Oxford in October 1729 to fulfill the residential requirements of his fellowship, John joined his brother Charles, Robert Kirkham, and William Morgan in a religious study group that was derisively called the âMethodistsâ because of their emphasis on methodical study and devotion. Taking over the leadership of the group from Charles, John helped the group to grow in numbers. The âMethodists,â also called the Holy Club, were known for their frequent communion services and for fasting two days a week. From 1730 on, the group added social services to their activities, visiting Oxford prisoners, teaching them to read, paying their debts, and attempting to find employment for them. The Methodists also extended their activities to workhouses and poor people, distributing food, clothes, medicine, and books and also running a school. When the Wesleys left the Holy Club in 1735, the group disintegrated.
Following his fatherâs death in April 1735, John was persuaded by an Oxford friend, John Burton, and Col. James Oglethorpe, governor of the colony of Georgia in North America, to oversee the spiritual lives of the colonists and to missionize the Native Americans as an agent for the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. Accompanied by Charles, who was ordained for this mission, John was introduced to some Moravian emigrants who appeared to him to possess the spiritual peace for which he had been searching. The mission to the indigenous peoples proved abortive, nor did Wesley succeed with most of his flock. He served them faithfully, but his stiff high churchmanship antagonized them. He had a naive attachment to Sophia Hopkey, niece of the chief magistrate of Savannah, who married another man, and Wesley unwisely courted criticism by repelling her from Holy Communion. In December 1737 he fled from Georgia; misunderstandings and persecution stemming from the Sophia Hopkey episode forced him to go back to England.
In London John met a Moravian, Peter Böhler, who convinced him that what he needed was simply faith, and he also discovered Martin Lutherâs commentary on the Letter of Paul to the Galatians, which emphasized the scriptural doctrine of justification by grace through faith alone. On May 24, 1738, in Aldersgate Street, London, during a meeting composed largely of Moravians under the auspices of the Church of England, Wesleyâs intellectual conviction was transformed into a personal experience while Lutherâs preface to the commentary to the Letter of Paul to the Romans was being read.
From this point onward, at the age of 35, Wesley viewed his mission in life as one of proclaiming the good news of salvation by faith, which he did whenever a pulpit was offered him. The congregations of the Church of England, however, soon closed their doors to him because of his enthusiasm. He then went to religious societies, trying to inject new spiritual vigour into them, particularly by introducing âbandsâ similar to those of the Moraviansâi.e., small groups within each society that were confined to members of the same sex and marital status who were prepared to share intimate details of their lives with each other and to receive mutual rebukes. For such groups Wesley drew up Rules of the Band Societies in December 1738.
For a year he worked through existing church societies, but resistance to his methods increased. In 1739 George Whitefield, who later became an important preacher of the Great Awakening in Great Britain and North America, persuaded Wesley to go to the unchurched masses. Wesley gathered converts into societies for continuing fellowship and spiritual growth, and he was asked by a London group to become their leader. Soon other such groups were formed in London, Bristol, and elsewhere. To avoid the scandal of unworthy members, Wesley published, in 1743, Rules for the Methodist societies. To promote new societies he became a widely travelled itinerant preacher. Because most ordained clergymen did not favour his approach, Wesley was compelled to seek the services of dedicated laymen, who also became itinerant preachers and helped administer the Methodist societies.
Many of Wesleyâs preachers had gone to the American colonies, but after the American Revolution most returned to England. Because the bishop of London would not ordain some of his preachers to serve in the United States, Wesley controversially took it upon himself, in 1784, to do so. In the same year he pointed out that his societies operated independently of any control by the Church of England.
Toward the end of his life, Wesley became an honoured figure in the British Isles.
Narnia Meets Middle-Earth
On December 3, 1929, C.S. Lewis began a letter to Arthur Greeves, his boyhood friend from Belfast. Having just turned 31 and in his fourth year as an Oxford don, Lewis described how he had gotten âinto a whirlâ as he always did near the end of the term. âI was up till 2:30 on Monday,â Lewis wrote, âtalking to the Anglo Saxon professor Tolkien who came with me to College from a society and sat discoursing of the gods and giants and Asgard for three hours, then departing in the wind and rain. . . . The fire was bright and the talk good.â1 This was Lewis pre-conversion and Tolkien before The Hobbit, two men virtually unknown outside their small circle at Oxford. Years later in The Four Loves, Lewis would note how great friendships can often be traced to the moment two people discover they have a common interest few others share â when each thinks, âYou too? I thought I was the only one.â2 For Lewis and Tolkien, it was a shared interest in old stories. Beginning of a Friendship The two had met for the first time three and a half years earlier at an English faculty meeting. Not long afterward, Tolkien invited Lewis to join the Kolbitar, a group that met to read Icelandic sagas together. But Lewisâs suggestion that Tolkien come back to his rooms at Magdalen on that blustery December night marked a pivotal step in their friendship. During their late-night discussion, Tolkien came to see that Lewis was one of those rare people who just might like the strange tales he had been working on since coming home from the war, stories he previously considered just a private hobby. And so, summoning up his courage, he lent Lewis a long, unfinished piece called âThe Gest of Beren and Luthien.â Several days later, Tolkien received a note with his friendâs reaction. âIt is ages since I have had an evening of such delight,â Lewis reported.3 Besides its mythic value, Lewis praised the sense of reality he found in the work, a quality that would be typical of Tolkienâs writing. At the end of Lewisâs note, he promised that detailed criticisms would follow, and they did â fourteen pages where Lewis praised a number of specific elements and pointed out what he saw as problems with others. Tolkien took heed of Lewisâs criticisms, but in a unique way. While accepting few specific suggestions, Tolkien rewrote almost every passage Lewis had problems with. Lewis would later say about Tolkien, âHe has only two reactions to criticism: either he begins the whole work over again from the beginning or else takes no notice at all.â4 And so began one of the worldâs great literary friendships. âHas Nobody Got Anything to Read Us?â While millions worldwide have come to love and value Tolkienâs stories of Middle-earth, Lewis was the first. His response, exuberant praise as well as hammer-and-tongs criticism, would also be the pattern for their writing group, the Inklings. And this blend of encouragement and critique provided the perfect soil in which some of the most beloved works of the twentieth century would sprout. The informal circle of friends would gather in Lewisâs rooms on Thursday nights. Lewisâs brother, Warnie, provides this description of what would happen next: When half a dozen or so had arrived, tea would be produced, and then when pipes were alight Jack would say, âWell, has nobody got anything to read us?â Out would come a manuscript, and we would settle down to sit in judgement upon it â real, unbiased judgement, too, since we were no mutual admiration society: praise for good work was unstinted, but censure for bad work â or even not-so-good work â was often brutally frank.5 âWhile millions worldwide have come to love and value Tolkienâs stories of Middle-earth, Lewis was the first.â Tolkien read sections of The Hobbit and The Lord of the Rings. Lewis read from The Problem of Pain, which he dedicated to the Inklings, as well as from The Screwtape Letters, which he dedicated to Tolkien. Other Lewis works debuted at Inklings meetings included Perelandra, That Hideous Strength, and The Great Divorce. Warnie read from The Splendid Century, his work about life under Louis XIV. Charles Williams read drafts of All Hallowsâ Eve. The Inklings were not without flaws. Rather than trying to help improve The Lord of the Rings, several simply disparaged it. Hugo Dyson was so negative that Tolkien finally chose not to read if he were present, saving his chapters for Lewis alone. A letter to Tolkienâs son Christopher in 1944 provides a window into what those private meetings were like, as Tolkien reports, âRead the last 2 chapters (âShelobâs Lairâ and âThe Choices of Master Samwiseâ) to C.S.L. on Monday morning. He approved with unusual fervor, and was actually affected to tears by the last chapter.â6 Unpayable Debt Years later, Tolkien would describe the âunpayable debtâ he owed Lewis, explaining, âOnly from him did I ever get the idea that my âstuffâ could be more than a private hobby. But for his interest and unceasing eagerness for more I should never have brought The Lord of the Rings to a conclusion.â7 Without Lewis, there would be no Lord of the Rings. We might also say that without Tolkien there would be no Chronicles of Narnia, not because of Tolkienâs literary interest in them but for a different reason. Today we know Lewis as one of the greatest Christian writers of the twentieth century, but while it was clear from the start that Lewis would be a writer, it was not clear at all that he would become a Christian. Before his midlife conversion, he would need Tolkien to provide a missing piece. Addisonâs Walk In another letter to Arthur, this one dated September 22, 1931, Lewis tells about an evening conversation that would change his life. He explains that he had a weekend guest, Dyson, from Reading University. Tolkien joined them for supper, and afterward the three went for a walk. âWe began (in Addisonâs walk just after dinner) on metaphor and myth,â Lewis writes. He then describes how they were interrupted by a rush of wind so unexpected they all held their breath. âWe continued (in my room) on Christianity,â Lewis adds, âa good long satisfying talk in which I learned a lot.â8 What Lewis learned was critical. He had previously ended his disbelief and became a theist. As he states in Surprised by Joy, âIn the Trinity Term of 1929 I gave in, and admitted that God was God, and knelt and prayed: perhaps, that night, the most dejected and reluctant convert in all England.â9 After this first step â with help from Christian friends and Christian authors like G.K. Chesterton, George Herbert, and George MacDonald â Lewis began the step that would lead to belief in Christ. Lewis explained to Arthur that what had been holding him back was his inability to comprehend in what sense Christâs life and death provided salvation to the world, except insofar as his example might help. What Dyson and Tolkien showed him was that understanding exactly how Christâs death puts us right with God was not most important but believing that it did. They urged him to allow the story of Christâs death and resurrection to work on him, as the other myths he loved did â with one tremendous difference: this one really happened. Nine days after that special night on Addisonâs Walk â during a ride to the zoo in the sidecar of Warnieâs motorbike â Lewis came to believe that Jesus is the Son of God. Years later he stated, âDyson and Tolkien were immediate human causes of my own conversion.â10 âIt Really Wonât Doâ Given Lewisâs encouragement of Tolkien and Tolkienâs role in Lewisâs acceptance of Christianity, we can say, in one sense, that without the otherâs contribution, we would not have Narnia or Middle-earth. But only in one sense. For while Lewis appreciated Tolkienâs stories about Middle-earth, Tolkien did not like Lewisâs books about Narnia. âWe can say, in one sense, that without the otherâs contribution, we would not have Narnia or Middle-earth.â Perhaps too much is made of Tolkienâs dislike for Narnia, particularly since Tolkien seems never to have made that much of it. While there is a good deal of speculation on the reasons for Tolkienâs disapproval, this speculation is based on secondhand reports. In Green and Hooperâs biography, we have several vague, disapproving, private comments Tolkien made about The Lion, the Witch and the Wardrobe, such as, âIt really wonât do, you know!â11 George Sayer, who knew both men personally, includes two paragraphs in his Lewis biography summarizing Tolkienâs objections but offering little in terms of direct quotes. In addition to their jumble of unrelated mythological elements, Sayer claims that Tolkien thought the Narnia stories showed signs of being âcarelessly and superficially written.â12 In a letter to David Kolb, we have a brief instance where Tolkien directly expresses his opinion of Narnia as he states, âIt is sad that âNarniaâ and all that part of C.S.L.âs work should remain outside the range of my sympathy.â13 Here we find the suggestion that Tolkienâs narrow tastes may have been part of the problem. We do know that when the Tolkiensâ granddaughter Joanna was staying with them and went looking for something to read, her grandfather directed her to the Narnia books on his bookshelf. âI Miss You Very Muchâ As the two men grew older, they were less close â another aspect scholars sometimes make too much of. Evidence that they remained friends, though in a less intense and intimate way, is found in a number of places. In the autumn of 1949, twelve years after first starting it, Tolkien finished typing a final copy of The Lord of the Rings. Lewis, now 50, was the first person to whom he lent the completed typescript. âI have drained the rich cup and satisfied a long thirst,â Lewis wrote on October 27, 1949, declaring it to be âalmost unequalled in the whole range of narrative art known to me.â Recalling the many obstacles Tolkien had overcome, Lewis declared, âAll the long years you have spent on it are justified.â Lewis closed the worldâs first review of Tolkienâs masterpiece with the words âI miss you very much.â14 It took more years for Tolkien to secure a publisher. In November 1952, when he learned Allen & Unwin was willing to publish the long-awaited sequel to The Hobbit, Tolkien immediately wrote Lewis with the good news. Lewis wrote back with warm congratulations, noting the âsheer pleasure of looking forward to having the book to read and re-read.â15 In 1954, after Lewis had been passed over more than once for a chair at Oxford, Tolkien played a key role in Lewis being offered and then accepting Cambridgeâs newly created Chair of Medieval and Renaissance Studies. And in 1961, less than three years before his death, Lewis was invited to nominate someone for the Nobel Prize in Literature and put forth Tolkienâs name. In November of the following year, Tolkien wrote to Lewis inviting him to a dinner celebrating the publication of English and Medieval Studies Presented to J.R.R. Tolkien on the Occasion of His Seventieth Birthday â a collection to which Lewis had contributed an essay. Citing his deteriorating health, Lewis thanked him but graciously declined. A few days before Christmas, Tolkien wrote again. We do not know the topic but do know that on Christmas Eve, 1962, Lewis wrote back thanking him for his âmost kind letter.â Lewis closed by saying, âIs it still possible amid the ghastly racket of âXmasâ to exchange greetings for the Feast of the Nativity? If so, mine, very warm, to both of you.â16 By the next Christmas, Lewis was gone. Lewis died at home on November 22, 1963, a week shy of his 65th birthday. Shortly afterward, Tolkien wrote his son Michael about the loss. Although they had become less close, Tolkien stated, âWe owed each a great debt to the other, and that tie with the deep affection that it begot, remains.â17 Here Tolkien, always careful with words, does not say that his tie and deep affection with Lewis remained all the way up until Lewisâs death, but that it remains. Presumably, it still does. âMuch Goodâ At the close of his biography, Alister McGrath seeks to explain Lewisâs enduring appeal, especially in America. McGrath proposes that by âengaging the mind, the feelings, and the imaginationâ of his readers, Lewis is able to extend and enrich their faith. Reading Lewis not only gives added power and depth to their commitment but also opens up a deeper vision of what Christianity is.18 I know this was true for me. Lewis was able to help extend and enrich my faith at a time when help was desperately needed. For those like me, Lewisâs books become lifelong companions, reminding us again and again of who we are and why we are here, seeing us through difficult times, and helping to shape and add meaning to our experience. Tolkien wrote in his diary, âFriendship with Lewis compensates for much, and besides giving constant pleasure and comfort has done me much good.â19 Today, on the anniversary of Lewisâs birth, people all over the world, from all walks of life and stages in faith, would agree. Yes, it does. And yes, it has. The Collected Letters of C.S. Lewis, ed. Walter Hooper, vol. 1, Family Letters 1905â1931 (New York: HarperCollins, 2004), 838. â© C.S. Lewis, The Four Loves (New York: Harvest, 1988), 65. â© Humphrey Carpenter, J.R.R. Tolkien: A Biography (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1977), 148â49. â© The Collected Letters of C.S. Lewis, ed. Walter Hooper, vol. 3, Narnia, Cambridge, and Joy 1950â1963 (New York: HarperCollins, 2007), 1049. â© Warren Lewis, âMemoir of C.S. Lewis,â in Letters of C.S. Lewis, ed. W.H. Lewis and Walter Hooper (New York: Harvest, 1993), 21â46. â© Letters of C.S. Lewis, 83. â© Letters of C.S. Lewis, 362. â© Collected Letters, 1:970. â© C.S. Lewis, Surprised by Joy: The Shape of My Early Life (New York: Harvest, 1955), 228â29. â© Collected Letters of C.S. Lewis, ed. Walter Hooper, vol. 2, Books, Broadcasts, and the War 1931â1949 (New York: HarperCollins, 2004), 501. â© Roger Lancelyn Green and Walter Hooper. C.S. Lewis: A Biography (London: HarperCollins, 2002), 307. â© George Sayer, Jack: A Life of C.S. Lewis (Wheaton: Crossway, 1994), 313. â© Letters of C.S. Lewis, 352. â© Collected Letters, 2:990â91. â© Collected Letters, 3:249â50. â© Collected Letters, 3:1396. â© Letters of C.S. Lewis, 341. â© Alister McGrath, C.S. Lewis â A Life: Eccentric Genius, Reluctant Prophet (Carol Stream, IL: Tyndale, 2013), 375. â© Carpenter, J.R.R. Tolkien, 152. â© Article by Devin Brown Professor, Asbury University