Undefiled (Redemption From Sexual Sin, Restoration For Broken Relationships) Order Printed Copy
- Author: Harry W Schaumburg
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About the Book
"Undefiled" by Harry W. Schaumburg explores the topic of sexual sin and its impact on relationships. The book offers practical advice and biblical insights on how to find redemption from sexual sin and restore broken relationships. Schaumburg provides a thoughtful and compassionate approach to helping individuals heal from the consequences of their past actions and find healing and wholeness in their relationships.
Jonathan Edwards
Jonathan Edwards (1703-1758), colonial New England minister and missionary, was one of the greatest preachers and theologians in American history.
At the close of the 17th century, the science of Isaac Newton and the philosophy of John Locke had significantly changed man's view of his relationship to God. Man's natural ability to discover the laws of creation seemed to demonstrate that supernatural revelation was not a necessary prelude to understanding creation and the creator. God was no longer mysterious; He had endowed men with the power to comprehend His nature and with a will free to choose between good and evil.
It was Jonathan Edwards's genius that he could make full use of Locke's philosophy and Newton's discoveries to reinterpret man's relationship to God in such a way that the experience of supernatural grace became available to people living in an intellectual and cultural climate very different from that of 17th-century England. In so doing, Edwards helped transmit to later generations the richest aspect of American Puritanism: the individual heart's experience of spiritual and emotional rebirth. Further, by his leadership in the religious revivals of the early 18th century, Edwards helped make the experience an integral part of American life for his own time and for the following century.
Jonathan Edwards was born on Oct. 5, 1703, in East Windsor, Conn., where his father was a minister. Jonathan's grandfather was pastor to the church in Northampton, Mass. Jonathan was the only boy in the family; he had 10 sisters. He graduated from Yale College in 1720, staying on there as a theology student until 1722, when, though not yet 19 years old, he was called as minister to a church in New York. Edwards served there for 8 months. In 1723, though called to a church in Connecticut, he decided to try teaching. He taught at Yale from 1724 to 1726.
Early Writings
At an early age Edwards showed a talent for science. At Yale he studied Newton's new science and read Locke with more interest "than the most greedy miser" gathering up "handfuls of silver and gold, from some newly discovered treasure." During these years he also began recording his meditations on the Bible and his observations of the natural world. Edward's central purpose was not to become a scientist but to lead a life of intense holiness.
Edwards's "Personal Narrative" (written ca. 1740) and his letters and diaries show a young man whose religious experience was of great power and beauty. As Edwards tells it, after several "seasons of awakenings," at the age of 17 he had a profound religious experience in which "there came into my mind so sweet a sense of the glorious majesty and grace of God, that I know not how to express. I seemed to see them both in a sweet conjunction; majesty and meekness joined together; it was a sweet, and gentle, and holy majesty; and also a majestic meekness; an awful sweetness; a high, and great, and holy gentleness." Adapting Locke's philosophy to his own purposes, Edwards interpreted the "sweet" sense of God's majesty and grace as a sixth and new sense, created supernaturally by the Holy Spirit. As he wrote later in A Treatise of Religious Affections (1746), the new sense is not "a new faculty of understanding, but it is a new foundation laid in the nature of the soul, for a new kind of exercises of the same faculty of understanding."
Edwards's perception of ultimate reality as supernatural is further evidenced in his statement that "the world is ⊠an ideal one." He wrote in his youthful "Notes on the Mind": "The secret lies here: That, which truly is the Substance of all Bodies, is the infinitely exact, and precise, and perfectly stable Idea, in God's mind, together with his stable Will, that the same shall gradually be communicated to us, and to other minds, according to certain fixed and exact Methods and Laws."
In 1726 Edwards was called from Yale to the Northampton church to assist his grandfather; when his grandfather died in 1729, Edwards became pastor of the church. In 1727 he married the beautiful and remarkable Sarah Pier-repont of New Haven.
Early Revivals
Religious revivals had been spreading through New England for 100 years. In his youth Edwards had seen "awakenings" of his father's congregation, and his grandfather's revivals had made his Northampton church second only to Boston. In early New England Congregationalism, church membership had been open only to those who could give public profession of their experience of grace. The Halfway Covenant of 1662 modified this policy, but when Edwards's grandfather allowed all to partake of the Sacraments (including those who could not give profession of conversion), he greatly increased the number of communicants at the Lord's Supper.
Edwards's first revival took place in 1734-1735. Beginning as prayer meetings among the young in Northampton, the revivals soon spread to other towns, and Edwards's reputation as a preacher of extraordinary power grew. Standing before his congregation in his ministerial robe, he was an imposing figure, 6 feet tall, with a high forehead and intense eyes. A contemporary wrote that Edwards had "the power of presenting an important Truth before an audience, with overwhelming weight of argument, and with such intenseness of feeling, that the whole soul of the speaker is thrown into every part of the conception and delivery⊠Mr. Edwards was the most eloquent man I ever heard speak."
Edwards endeavored to convey as directly as possible the meaning of Christ's Crucifixion and Resurrection. His words, he hoped, would lead his listeners to a conviction of their sinful state and then through the infusion of divine grace to a profound experience of joy, freedom, and beauty. Edwards's A Faithful Narrative of the Surprising Work of God in the Conversion of Many Hundred Souls in Northampton, and the Neighboring Towns and Villages (1737) relates the history of the 1734-1735 revival and includes careful analyses of the conversions of a 4-year old child and an adolescent girl.
Edwards's preaching and writings about the nature and process of the religious experience created powerful enemies. In western Massachusetts the opposition to Edwards was led by his relatives Israel and Solomon Williams, who maintained that a man's assurance of salvation does not lie in a direct and overpowering experience of the infusion of grace and that he may judge himself saved when he obeys the biblical injunctions to lead a virtuous life. Edwards too believed that a Christian expresses the new life within him in virtuous behavior, but he denied that a man is in a state of salvation simply because he behaves virtuously. For him, good works without the experience of grace brought neither freedom nor joy.
In 1739 Edwards preached sermons on the history of redemption. He clearly thought the biblical promises of Christ's kingdom on earth would be fulfilled soon. His interest in the history of redemption is further evidenced in the many notes he made on the prophecies he found in the Bible and in natural events.
Great Awakening
In 1740 the arrival in America of George Whitefield, the famous English revivalist, touched off the Great Awakening. Revivals now swept through the Colonies, and thousands of people experienced the infusion of grace. The emotional intensity of the revivals soon brought attacks from ministers who believed that Whitefield, Edwards, and other "evangelical" preachers were stirring up religious fanaticism. The most famous attack was made by Charles Chauncy in Seasonable Thoughts on the State of Religion in New England (1743).
Edwards defended the Great Awakening in several books. He acknowledged that there had been emotional excesses, but on the whole he believed the revivals were remarkable outpourings of the Holy Spirit. His works of defense include The Distinguishing Marks of a Work of the Spirit of God (1741), Some Thoughts Concerning the Present Revival of Religion in New England (1742), and A Treatise Concerning Religious Affections (1746), the last a classic in religious psychology. He also wrote a biography of his daughter's fiancé the Native American missionary David Brainer.
The Great Awakening intensified Edward's expectations of Christ's kingdom. With English and Scottish ministers, he began a Concert of United Prayer for the Coming of Christ's Kingdom. To engage people in the concert, he wrote An Humble Attempt to Promote Visible Union of God's People in Extraordinary Prayer for the Revival of Religion (1747).
Edward's Dismissal
The troubles that culminated in Edwards's dismissal from Northampton began in the 1740s. Considerable opposition to Edwards had remained from his revivals. Animosity between him and members of his congregation was increased by an embarrassing salary dispute and an incident in 1744 when Edwards discovered that some children had been secretly reading a book on midwifery. Many children of influential families were implicated; Edwards's reading of their names publicly from the pulpit was resented. But the most important factor in Edwards's dismissal was his decision, announced in 1748, that henceforth only those who publicly professed their conversion experience would be admitted to the Lord's Supper. His decision reversed his grandfather's policy, which Edwards himself had been following for 20 years.
Edwards was denied the privilege of explaining his views from the pulpit, and his written defense, An Humble Inquiry into the Rules of the Word of God, Concerning the Qualifications Requisite to a Complete Standing and Full Communion with the Visible Christian Church (1749), went largely unread. After a bitter struggle, the church voted 200 to 23 against Edwards, and on July 1, 1750, he preached his farewell sermon.
Late Works
In August 1751 Edwards and his large family went to Stockbridge, Mass., where he had been called as pastor to the church and missionary to the Native Americans. As a missionary, he defended the Native Americans against the greed and mismanagement of a local merchant. These struggles consumed much of his time, but he still managed to write extensively. Among the most important works are A Careful and Strict Enquiry into the Modern Prevailing Notions of That Freedom of Will ⊠(1754) and The Great Christian Doctrine of Original Sin Defended (1758). In the first, he asserted that a man has freedom to choose but freedom of choice is not the same as freedom of will. The power which decides what a man will chooseâhis willingâis in the hands of God and beyond his personal control. In Original Sin Edwards maintained that all men live in the same unregenerate state as Adam after the fall.
Two other works show that Edwards had not become embittered by his dismissal. In The Nature of True Virtue (1756) he defines virtue as benevolence to "being" in general. Concerning the End for Which God Created the World (1756) is a prose poem, a praise to God Who is love, and Whose universe is the expression of God's desire to glorify Himself.
In January 1758 Edwards became president of the College of New Jersey (now Princeton). Two months later he died of fever resulting from a smallpox inoculation. He was buried in Princeton.
hero in an unmarked grave - the unusual modesty of john calvin
On May 27, 1564, just after eight oâclock in the evening, a nurse urgently summoned Theodore Beza (1519â1605) to Calvinâs bedside. âWe found he had already died,â Calvinâs friend and fellow pastor later wrote. âOn that day, then, at the same time with the setting sun, this splendid luminary was withdrawn from us.â 1  Calvin was 54 years old. Calvinâs death sent a shock wave throughout Geneva and beyond. Beza writes, âThat night and the following day there was a general lamentation throughout the city . . . all lamenting the loss of one who was, under God, a common parent and comfort.â He records that two days later âthe entire cityâ gathered at the St. Pierre Cathedral to honor their beloved pastor. Despite Calvinâs prominence, the funeral was unusually simple, âwith no extraordinary pomp.â 2  But Calvinâs burial was particularly unusual. Unmarked Grave Eighteen years earlier, on February 18, 1546, fellow Reformer Martin Luther died at the age of 63. As was common practice for ministers, Lutherâs remains were interred inside the church where he had faithfully served. His casket lies in Wittenbergâs Castle Church, near the pulpit, seven feet below the floor of the nave. Lutherâs successor and fellow Reformer, Philip Melanchthon (1490â1560), is buried beside him. So also William Farel (1489â1565), who first called Calvin to Geneva in 1536, is buried in the cathedral of NeuchĂątel, where he spent the final years of his ministry. When Calvinâs friend and successor Theodore Beza died in 1605, he was buried next to the pulpit of St. Pierre, the Genevan church in which he and Calvin ministered together. But Calvinâs remains lie elsewhere. Rather than being interred in St. Pierre, Calvinâs body was carried outside the city wall to a marshy burial ground for commoners called Plainpalais. With close friends in attendance, Calvinâs body was wrapped in a simple shroud, enclosed in a rough casket, and lowered into the earth. Beza writes that Calvinâs plot was unlisted and, âas he [had] commanded, without any gravestone.â 3 Why did Calvin command that he be buried, contrary to common practice, in an unmarked grave? Some speculate that he wanted to discourage religious pilgrims from visiting his resting place or to prevent accusations from the Roman church that he desired veneration as a saint. 4  But the answer lies somewhere deeper â in Calvinâs understanding of Christian modesty. Forgotten Meaning of Modesty When we speak of modesty today, we most often mean dressing or behaving in such a way as to avoid impropriety or indecency. But modesty more generally refers to the quality of being unassuming or moderate in the estimation of oneself. For centuries, the church understood the connection. Immodest dress was not simply ostentatious or sexually suggestive; it reflected an overemphasis on appearance. As Jesus warned, outward appearance can mask impiety (Matthew 6:16) or pride (Luke 18:12). This is why both Gentile women converts in Ephesus and the Jewish Christians addressed in Hebrews are urged to consider how their outward appearance relates to the disposition of the heart. Excessive adornment could be evidence of self-importance (1 Timothy 2:9). Acceptable worship requires a posture of reverence, not pretension (Hebrews 12:28). Thus, a modest person represents himself neither too highly nor too meanly because he understands both the dignity and the humility of being transformed by the grace of God. âModesty is simply the outward reflection of true Christian humility.â Modesty, then, is simply the outward reflection of true Christian humility. It obliterates pride by embracing the reality that a Christian is both creaturely and beloved. In this light, self-importance becomes absurd. Grandiosity becomes laughable. Celebrity becomes monstrous. We Are Not Our Own For Calvin, the gospel radically reshapes our view of self. As those created in Godâs image, provisioned by his goodness, redeemed by his mercy, transformed by his grace, and called to his mission, those who belong to Christ no longer live for themselves. âNow the great thing is this,â Calvin writes, âwe are consecrated and dedicated to God in order that we may thereafter think, speak, meditate, and do, nothing except to his glory.â Calvin continues, If we, then, are not our own but the Lordâs, it is clear what error we must flee and whither we must direct all the acts of our life. We are not our own : let not our reason nor our will, therefore, sway our plans and deeds. We are not our own : let us not therefore see it as our goal to seek what is expedient for us according to the flesh. We are not our own : in so far as we can, let us therefore forget ourselves and all that is ours. Conversely, we are Godâs : let us therefore live for him and die for him. We are Godâs : let his wisdom and will therefore rule all our actions. We are Godâs : let all the parts of our life accordingly strive toward him as our only lawful goal. Oh how much has that man profited who, having been taught that he is not his own, has taken away dominion and rule from his own reason that he may yield it to God! For, as consulting our self-interest is the pestilence that most effectively leads to our destruction, so the sole haven of salvation is to be wise in nothing through ourselves but to follow the leading of the Lord alone . 5 âModesty blossoms when we experience the freedom from having to prove ourselves to God or one another.â Modesty and humility flow from a heart transformed by the Spirit of Christ. âAs soon as we are convinced that God cares for us,â Calvin writes, âour minds are easily led to patience and humility.â 6  The Spirit shapes us with a kind of moderation that âgives the preference to othersâ and that guards us from being âeasily thrown into agitation.â 7  Modesty blossoms when we experience the freedom from having to prove ourselves to God or one another. âModesty, His Constant Friendâ Calvinâs life reflected this reality. Despite the doors that were opened to him through his writing and network of connections, he was committed to âstudiously avoiding celebrity.â 8  When the Institutes  was published in 1536, he was so successful in his object to ânot acquire fameâ that no one in Basel knew that he was its author. For the rest of his life, wherever he went, he took care to âconceal that I was the author of that performance.â 9  Calvin even sought to avoid a wider ministry in Geneva, having âresolved to continue in the same privacy and obscurity.â He was drawn into the limelight only when William Farel warned him âwith a dreadful imprecationâ that turning down the post would be refusing Godâs call to service. 10  In brief autobiographical comments he wrote the year that he died, we see a glimmer of his own surprise over Godâs sovereign hand through his life. God so led me about through different turnings and changes that he never permitted me to rest in any place, until, in spite of my natural disposition, he brought me forth to public notice. . . . I was carried, I know not how, as it were by force to the Imperial assemblies, where, willing or unwilling, I was under the necessity of appearing before the eyes of many. 11 It is no surprise, then, that a few days before his death, Calvin exhorted his friends to not be those who âostentatiously display themselves and, from overweening confidence, insist that all their opinions should be approved by others.â Instead, he pleaded with them to âconduct themselves with modesty, keeping far aloof from all haughtiness of mind.â 12  For Beza, Calvinâs modesty â forged by his vision of Godâs glory, Christâs redeeming love, and the Spiritâs animating power â was his defining characteristic. After Calvinâs burial, Beza captured it in verse: Why in this humble and unnoticed tomb Is Calvin laid â the dread of falling Rome; Mournâd by the good, and by the wicked fearâd By all who knew his excellence revered? From whom evân virtueâs self might virtue learn, And young and old its value may discern? âTwas modesty, his constant friend on earth, That laid this stone, unsculptured with a name; Oh! happy ground, enrichâd with Calvinâs worth, More lasting far than marble is thy fame! 13 Free to Be Forgotten In old Geneva, on the grounds of the college Calvin founded, stands an immense stone memorial to four leaders of the Protestant Reformation. At its center are towering reliefs of Calvin, Beza, Farel, and John Knox (1513â1572). Calvin would surely detest it. But the monument is a metaphor. We live in a culture that fears obscurity and irrelevance. We measure ourselves against others and build our own platforms in the hope that we will not be forgotten. We attempt to distinguish ourselves at the expense of the humility and modesty that honors Christ. Calvin would have us be free from such striving. For however anyone may be distinguished by illustrious endowments, he ought to consider with himself that they have not been conferred upon him that he might be self-complacent, that he might exalt himself, or even that he might hold himself in esteem. Let him, instead of this, employ himself in correcting and detecting his faults, and he will have abundant occasion for humility. In others, on the other hand, he will regard with honor whatever there is of excellences and will, by means of love, bury their faults. The man who will observe this rule, will feel no difficulty in preferring others before himself. And this, too, Paul meant when he added, that they ought not to have everyone a regard to themselves, but to their neighbors, or that they ought not to be devoted to themselves. Hence it is quite possible that a pious man, even though he should be aware that he is superior, may nevertheless hold others in greater esteem. 14 We may rightly regard Calvin as a hero of the faith, but he didnât ultimately see himself that way. Humility had taught him to walk modestly before God and others â and, in the end, the freedom to lie down in a forgotten grave. Theodore Beza, âThe Life of John Calvinâ in Tracts Related to the Reformation  (Edinburgh: Calvin Translation Society, 1844), 1:xcv. ⩠Beza, Tracts , 1:xcvi. ⩠Beza, Tracts , 1:xcvi. ⩠Eighteenth-century guidebooks indeed list the disused Plainpalais cemetery as an important stop for tourists, though they warn that pilgrims will search for Calvinâs resting place in vain. By the nineteenth century, keepers of the burial ground staked out a âlikely-enoughâ site for Calvinâs grave (complete with a rudimentary marker) simply to avoid the irritation of being so frequently asked. ⩠John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion , ed. John T. McNeill, trans. Ford Lewis Battles (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2011), 3.7.1 (emphasis mine). ⩠John Calvin, Commentaries on the Catholic Epistles , trans. John Owen (Edinburgh: T. Constable,1855), 149. ⩠John Calvin, Commentaries on the Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the Philippians, Colossians, and Thessalonians , trans. John Pringle (Edinburgh: T. Constable, 1851) 52â53. ⩠John Calvin, Commentary on the Psalms , trans. James Anderson (Edinburgh: Edinburg Printing Company, 1845), 1:xli, xlii. ⩠Calvin, Psalms , 1:xlii. ⩠Calvin, Psalms , 1:xlii. ⩠Calvin, Psalms , 1:xli, xliii. ⩠Beza, Tracts , 1:xci. ⩠Beza was widely known for his literary works. As a humanist, he became famous for his collection of Latin poems in Juvenilia , published just before his conversion in 1548. He continued to write poetry, satires, and dramas until the end of his life. Francis Sisbonâs nineteenth-century translation attempts to capture the sense of the Latin in a more familiar poetic form (Theodore Beza, The Life of John Calvin , trans. Francis Sibson, [Philadelphia: J. Whetham, 1836], 94). For the original text, see Calvin and Beza, Tracts , 1:xcvi. ⩠Calvin, Commentaries on the Epistles of Paul , 53. â©