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- Author: Larry W. Hurtado
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About the Book
"At the Origins of Christian Worship" by Larry W. Hurtado examines the early development of Christian worship practices and the ways in which they shaped the theology and beliefs of the early church. Hurtado explores the transition from Jewish to Christian forms of worship, the central role of Jesus in Christian liturgy, and the impact of worship on the identity and mission of the early Christian community. Overall, the book provides valuable insights into the foundational aspects of Christian worship and their significance for the development of the early church.
George Whitefield
George Whitefield was born at Gloucester in 1714. His mother kept the Bell Inn, and appears not to have prospered in business; at any rate, she never seems to have been able to do anything for her sonâs advancement in life. Whitefieldâs early life, according to his own account, was anything but religious; though, like many boys, he had occasional prickings of conscience and spasmodic fits of devout feeling. He confesses that he was âaddicted to lying, filthy talking, and foolish jestingâ, and that he was a âSabbath-breaker, a theatre-goer, a card-player, and a romance readerâ. All this, he says, went on till he was fifteen years old.
Poor as he was, his residence at Gloucester procured him the advantage of a good education at the Free Grammar School of that city. Here he was a day-scholar until he was fifteen. The only known fact about his schooldays is this curious one, that even then he was remarkable for his good elocution and memory, and was selected to recite speeches before the Corporation of Gloucester at their annual visitation of the Grammar School.
At the age of fifteen Whitefield appears to have left school, and to have given up Latin and Greek for a season. In all probability, his motherâs straitened circumstances made it absolutely necessary for him to do something to assist her in business and to get his own living. He began, therefore, to help her in the daily work of the Bell Inn. âAt lengthâ, he says, âI put on my blue apron, washed cups, cleaned rooms, and, in one word, became a professed common drawer for nigh a year and a half.â This, however, did not last long. His motherâs business at the Bell did not flourish, and she finally retired from it altogether.
An old school-fellow revived in his mind the idea of going to Oxford, and he went back to the Grammar School and renewed his studies. At length, after several providential circumstances had smoothed the way, he entered Oxford as a servitor at Pembroke at the age of eighteen. Whitefieldâs residence at Oxford was the great turning-point in his life. For two or three years before he went to the University his journal tells us that he had not been without religious convictions, But from the time of his entering Pembroke College these convictions fast ripened into decided Christianity. He diligently attended all means of grace within his reach. He spent his leisure time in visiting the city prison, reading to the prisoners, and trying to do good. He became acquainted with the famous John Wesley and his brother Charles, and a little band of like-minded young men. These were the devoted party to whom the name âMethodistsâ was first applied, on account of their strict âmethodâ of living.
At one time he seems to have been in danger of becoming a semi-papist, an ascetic, or a mystic, and of placing the whole of religion in self-denial. He says in his Journal, âI always chose the worst sort of food. I fasted twice a week. My apparel was mean. I thought it unbecoming a penitent to have his hair powdered. I wore woollen gloves, a patched gown, and dirty shoes; and though I was convinced that the kingdom of God did not consist in meat and drink, yet I resolutely persisted in these voluntary acts of self-denial, because I found in them great promotion of the spiritual life.â
Out of all this darkness he was gradually delivered, partly by the advice of one or two experienced Christians, and partly by reading such books as Scougalâs Life of God in the Soul of Man, Lawâs Serious Call, Baxterâs Call to the Unconverted, Alleineâs Alarm to Unconverted Sinners, and Matthew Henryâs Commentary. âAbove allâ, he says, âmy mind being now more opened and enlarged, I began to read the Holy Scriptures upon my knees, laying aside all other books, and praying over, if possible, every line and word. This proved meat indeed and drink indeed to my soul. I daily received fresh life, light, and power from above. I got more true knowledge from reading the Book of God in one month than I could ever have acquired from all the writings of men.â
Once taught to understand the glorious liberty of Christâs gospel, Whitefield never turned again to asceticism, legalism, mysticism, or strange views of Christian perfection. The experience received by bitter conflict was most valuable to him. The doctrines of free grace, once thoroughly grasped, took deep root in his heart, and became, as it were, bone of his bone and flesh of his flesh. Of all the little band of Oxford Methodists, none seem to have got hold so soon of clear views of Christâs gospel as he did, and none kept it so unwaveringly to the end.
At the early age of twenty-two Whitefield was admitted to holy orders by Bishop Benson of Gloucester, on Trinity Sunday, 1736. His ordination was not of his own seeking. The bishop heard of his character from Lady Selwyn and others, sent for him, gave him five guineas to buy books, and offered to ordain him, though only twenty-two years old, whenever he wished. This unexpected offer came to him when he was full of scruples about his own fitness for the ministry. It cut the knot and brought him to the point of decision. âI began to thinkâ, he says, âthat if I held out longer I should fight against God.â
Whitefieldâs first sermon was preached in the very town where he was born, at the church of St Mary-le-Crypt, Gloucester â âAs I proceeded I perceived the fire kindled, till at last, though so young and amidst a crowd of those who knew me in my childish days, I was enabled to speak with some degree of gospel authority.â
Almost immediately after his ordination, Whitefield went to Oxford and took his degree as Bachelor of Arts. He then commenced his regular ministerial life by undertaking temporary duty at the Tower Chapel, London, for two months. While engaged there he preached continually in many London churches; and among others, in the parish churches of Islington, Bishopsgate, St Dunstanâs, St Margaretâs, Westminster, and Bow, Cheapside. From the very first he obtained a degree of popularity such as no preacher, before or since, has probably ever reached. Whether on week-days or Sundays, wherever he preached, the churches were crowded, and an immense sensation was produced. The plain truth is, that a really eloquent, extempore preacher, preaching the pure gospel with most uncommon gifts of voice and manner, was at that time an entire novelty in London. The congregations were taken by surprise and carried by storm.
From London he removed for two months to Dummer, a little rural parish in Hampshire, near Basingstoke. From there he accepted an invitation, which had been much pressed on him by the Wesleys, to visit the colony of Georgia in North America, and assist in the care of an Orphan House which had been set up near Savannah for the children of colonists. After preaching for a few months in Gloucestershire, and especially at Bristol and Stonehouse, he sailed for America in the latter part of 1737, and continued there about a year. The affairs of this Orphan House, it may be remarked, occupied much of his attention from this period of his life till he died. Though well-meant, it seems to have been a design of very questionable wisdom, and certainly entailed on Whitefield a world of anxiety and responsibility to the end of his days.
Whitefield returned from Georgia at the latter part of the year 1738, partly to obtain priestâs orders, which were conferred on him by his old friend Bishop Benson, and partly on business connected with the Orphan House. He soon, however, discovered that his position was no longer what it was before he sailed for Georgia. The bulk of the clergy were no longer favourable to him, and regarded him with suspicion as an enthusiast and a fanatic. They were especially scandalized by his preaching the doctrine of regeneration or the new birth, as a thing which many baptized persons greatly needed! The number of pulpits to which he had access rapidly diminished. Churchwardens, who had no eyes for drunkenness and impurity, were filled with intense indignation about what they called âbreaches of orderâ. Bishops who could tolerate Arianism, Socinianism, and Deism, were filled with indignation at a man who declared fully the atonement of Christ and the work of the Holy Ghost, and began to denounce him openly. In short, from this period of his life, Whitefieldâs field of usefulness within the Church of England narrowed rapidly on every side.
The step which at this juncture gave a turn to the whole current of Whitefieldâs ministry was his adoption of the system of open-air preaching. Seeing that thousands everywhere would attend no place of worship, spent their Sundays in idleness or sin, and were not to be reached by sermons within walls, he resolved, in the spirit of holy aggression, to go out after them âinto the highways and hedgesâ, on his Masterâs principle, and âcompel them to come inâ. His first attempt to do this was among the colliers at Kingswood near Bristol, in February, 1739. After much prayer he one day went to Hannam Mount, and standing upon a hill began to preach to about a hundred colliers upon Matthew 5:1-3. The thing soon became known. The number of hearers rapidly increased, till the congregation amounted to many thousands.
Whitefieldâs own account of the behaviour of these neglected colliers, who had never been in a church in their lives, is deeply affecting: âHavingâ, he writes to a friend, âno righteousness of their own to renounce, they were glad to hear of a Jesus who was a friend to publicans, and came not to call the righteous but sinners to repentance. The first discovery of their being affected was the sight of the white gutters made by their tears, which plentifully fell down their black cheeks as they came out of their coal-pits. Hundreds of them were soon brought under deep conviction, which, as the event proved, happily ended in a sound and thorough conversion.â
Two months after this Whitefield began the practice of open-air preaching in London, on 27 April, 1739. The circumstances under which this happened were curious. He had gone to Islington to preach for the vicar, his friend Mr Stonehouse. In the midst of the prayer the churchwardens came to him and demanded his licence for preaching in the diocese of London. Whitefield, of course, had not got this licence. The upshot of the matter was, that being forbidden by the churchwardens to preach in the pulpit, he went outside after the communion-service, and preached in the churchyard. From that day forward he became a constant field-preacher, whenever weather and the season of the year made it possible.
Two days afterwards, on Sunday, April 29th, he records: âI preached in Moorfields to an exceeding great multitude. Being weakened by my morningâs preaching, I refreshed myself in the afternoon by a little sleep, and at five went and preached at Kennington Common, about two miles from London, when no less than thirty thousand people were supposed to be present.â Henceforth, wherever there were large open spaces round London, wherever there were large bands of idle, godless, Sabbath-breaking people gathered together, in Hackney Fields, Mary-le-bonne Fields, May Fair, Smithfield, Blackheath, Moorfields, and Kennington Common, there went Whitefield and lifted up his voice for Christ. The gospel so proclaimed was listened to and greedily received by hundreds who never dreamed of going to a place of worship.
The ministrations of Whitefield in the pulpits of the Church of England from this time almost entirely ceased. He loved the Church in which he had been ordained; he gloried in her Articles; he used her Prayer-book with pleasure. But the Church did not love him, and so lost the use of his services. The Church was too much asleep to understand him, and was vexed at a man who would not keep still and let the devil alone.
The facts of Whitefieldâs history from this period to the day of his death are almost entirely of one complexion. One year was just like another; and to attempt to follow him would be only going repeatedly over the same ground. From 1739 to the year of his death, 1770, a period of thirty-one years, his life was one uniform employment, and he was always about his Masterâs business. From Sunday mornings to Saturday nights, from the 1st of January to the 31st of December, excepting when laid aside by illness, he was almost incessantly preaching Christ and going about the world entreating men to repent and come to Christ and be saved. There was hardly a considerable town in England, Scotland, or Wales, that he did not visit as an evangelist. When churches were opened to him he gladly preached in churches; when only chapels could be obtained, he cheerfully preached in chapels. When churches and chapels alike were closed, or were too small to contain his hearers, he was ready and willing to preach in the open air.
For thirty-one years he laboured in this way, always proclaiming the same glorious gospel, and always, as far as manâs eye can judge, with immense effect. In one single Whitsuntide week, after preaching in Moorfields, he received one thousand letters from people under spiritual concern, and admitted to the Lordâs table three hundred and fifty persons. In the thirty-four years of his ministry it is reckoned that he preached publicly eighteen thousand times.
His journeyings were prodigious, when the roads and conveyances of his time are considered. He visited Scotland fourteen times; he crossed the Atlantic seven times, backward and forward, in miserable slow sailing ships, and arrested the attention of thousands in Boston, New York, and Philadelphia. He went over to Ireland twice, and on one occasion was almost murdered by an ignorant Popish mob in Dublin. As to England and Wales, he traversed every county in them, from the Isle of Wight to Berwick-on-Tweed, and from the Landâs End to the North Foreland.
His regular ministerial work in London for the winter season, when field-preaching was necessarily suspended, was something prodigious. His weekly engagements at the Tabernacle in Tottenham Court Road, which was built for him when the pulpits of the Established Church were closed, comprised the following work: Every Sunday morning he administered the Lordâs Supper to several hundred communicants at half-past six. After this he read prayers, and preached both morning and afternoon. Then he preached again in the evening at half-past five, and concluded by addressing a large society of widows, married people, young men and spinsters, all sitting separately in the area of the Tabernacle, with exhortations suitable to their respective stations. On Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday mornings, he preached regularly at six. On Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, and Saturday evenings, he delivered lectures. This, it will be observed, made thirteen sermons a week! And all this time he was carrying on a large correspondence with people in almost every part of the world. That any human frame could so long endure the labours that Whitefield went through does indeed seem wonderful. That his life was not cut short by violence, to which he was frequently exposed, is no less wonderful. But he was immortal till his work was done.
He died at last very suddenly at Newbury Port, in North America, on Sunday, 29 September, 1770, at the comparatively early age of fifty-six. He was once married to a widow named James, of Abergavenny, who died before him. If we may judge from the little mention made of his wife in his letters, his marriage does not seem to have contributed much to his happiness. He left no children, but he left a name far better than that of sons and daughters. Never perhaps was there a man of whom it could be so truly said that he spent and was spent for Christ than George Whitefield.
[Adapted from J. C. Ryleâs âGeorge Whitefield and His Ministryâ in Select Sermons of George Whitefield; see also George Whitefieldâs Journals, Robert Philipâs Life and Times of George Whitefield, and Arnold Dallimoreâs 2-volume biography George Whitefield.]
hero in an unmarked grave - the unusual modesty of john calvin
On May 27, 1564, just after eight oâclock in the evening, a nurse urgently summoned Theodore Beza (1519â1605) to Calvinâs bedside. âWe found he had already died,â Calvinâs friend and fellow pastor later wrote. âOn that day, then, at the same time with the setting sun, this splendid luminary was withdrawn from us.â 1  Calvin was 54 years old. Calvinâs death sent a shock wave throughout Geneva and beyond. Beza writes, âThat night and the following day there was a general lamentation throughout the city . . . all lamenting the loss of one who was, under God, a common parent and comfort.â He records that two days later âthe entire cityâ gathered at the St. Pierre Cathedral to honor their beloved pastor. Despite Calvinâs prominence, the funeral was unusually simple, âwith no extraordinary pomp.â 2  But Calvinâs burial was particularly unusual. Unmarked Grave Eighteen years earlier, on February 18, 1546, fellow Reformer Martin Luther died at the age of 63. As was common practice for ministers, Lutherâs remains were interred inside the church where he had faithfully served. His casket lies in Wittenbergâs Castle Church, near the pulpit, seven feet below the floor of the nave. Lutherâs successor and fellow Reformer, Philip Melanchthon (1490â1560), is buried beside him. So also William Farel (1489â1565), who first called Calvin to Geneva in 1536, is buried in the cathedral of NeuchĂątel, where he spent the final years of his ministry. When Calvinâs friend and successor Theodore Beza died in 1605, he was buried next to the pulpit of St. Pierre, the Genevan church in which he and Calvin ministered together. But Calvinâs remains lie elsewhere. Rather than being interred in St. Pierre, Calvinâs body was carried outside the city wall to a marshy burial ground for commoners called Plainpalais. With close friends in attendance, Calvinâs body was wrapped in a simple shroud, enclosed in a rough casket, and lowered into the earth. Beza writes that Calvinâs plot was unlisted and, âas he [had] commanded, without any gravestone.â 3 Why did Calvin command that he be buried, contrary to common practice, in an unmarked grave? Some speculate that he wanted to discourage religious pilgrims from visiting his resting place or to prevent accusations from the Roman church that he desired veneration as a saint. 4  But the answer lies somewhere deeper â in Calvinâs understanding of Christian modesty. Forgotten Meaning of Modesty When we speak of modesty today, we most often mean dressing or behaving in such a way as to avoid impropriety or indecency. But modesty more generally refers to the quality of being unassuming or moderate in the estimation of oneself. For centuries, the church understood the connection. Immodest dress was not simply ostentatious or sexually suggestive; it reflected an overemphasis on appearance. As Jesus warned, outward appearance can mask impiety (Matthew 6:16) or pride (Luke 18:12). This is why both Gentile women converts in Ephesus and the Jewish Christians addressed in Hebrews are urged to consider how their outward appearance relates to the disposition of the heart. Excessive adornment could be evidence of self-importance (1 Timothy 2:9). Acceptable worship requires a posture of reverence, not pretension (Hebrews 12:28). Thus, a modest person represents himself neither too highly nor too meanly because he understands both the dignity and the humility of being transformed by the grace of God. âModesty is simply the outward reflection of true Christian humility.â Modesty, then, is simply the outward reflection of true Christian humility. It obliterates pride by embracing the reality that a Christian is both creaturely and beloved. In this light, self-importance becomes absurd. Grandiosity becomes laughable. Celebrity becomes monstrous. We Are Not Our Own For Calvin, the gospel radically reshapes our view of self. As those created in Godâs image, provisioned by his goodness, redeemed by his mercy, transformed by his grace, and called to his mission, those who belong to Christ no longer live for themselves. âNow the great thing is this,â Calvin writes, âwe are consecrated and dedicated to God in order that we may thereafter think, speak, meditate, and do, nothing except to his glory.â Calvin continues, If we, then, are not our own but the Lordâs, it is clear what error we must flee and whither we must direct all the acts of our life. We are not our own : let not our reason nor our will, therefore, sway our plans and deeds. We are not our own : let us not therefore see it as our goal to seek what is expedient for us according to the flesh. We are not our own : in so far as we can, let us therefore forget ourselves and all that is ours. Conversely, we are Godâs : let us therefore live for him and die for him. We are Godâs : let his wisdom and will therefore rule all our actions. We are Godâs : let all the parts of our life accordingly strive toward him as our only lawful goal. Oh how much has that man profited who, having been taught that he is not his own, has taken away dominion and rule from his own reason that he may yield it to God! For, as consulting our self-interest is the pestilence that most effectively leads to our destruction, so the sole haven of salvation is to be wise in nothing through ourselves but to follow the leading of the Lord alone . 5 âModesty blossoms when we experience the freedom from having to prove ourselves to God or one another.â Modesty and humility flow from a heart transformed by the Spirit of Christ. âAs soon as we are convinced that God cares for us,â Calvin writes, âour minds are easily led to patience and humility.â 6  The Spirit shapes us with a kind of moderation that âgives the preference to othersâ and that guards us from being âeasily thrown into agitation.â 7  Modesty blossoms when we experience the freedom from having to prove ourselves to God or one another. âModesty, His Constant Friendâ Calvinâs life reflected this reality. Despite the doors that were opened to him through his writing and network of connections, he was committed to âstudiously avoiding celebrity.â 8  When the Institutes  was published in 1536, he was so successful in his object to ânot acquire fameâ that no one in Basel knew that he was its author. For the rest of his life, wherever he went, he took care to âconceal that I was the author of that performance.â 9  Calvin even sought to avoid a wider ministry in Geneva, having âresolved to continue in the same privacy and obscurity.â He was drawn into the limelight only when William Farel warned him âwith a dreadful imprecationâ that turning down the post would be refusing Godâs call to service. 10  In brief autobiographical comments he wrote the year that he died, we see a glimmer of his own surprise over Godâs sovereign hand through his life. God so led me about through different turnings and changes that he never permitted me to rest in any place, until, in spite of my natural disposition, he brought me forth to public notice. . . . I was carried, I know not how, as it were by force to the Imperial assemblies, where, willing or unwilling, I was under the necessity of appearing before the eyes of many. 11 It is no surprise, then, that a few days before his death, Calvin exhorted his friends to not be those who âostentatiously display themselves and, from overweening confidence, insist that all their opinions should be approved by others.â Instead, he pleaded with them to âconduct themselves with modesty, keeping far aloof from all haughtiness of mind.â 12  For Beza, Calvinâs modesty â forged by his vision of Godâs glory, Christâs redeeming love, and the Spiritâs animating power â was his defining characteristic. After Calvinâs burial, Beza captured it in verse: Why in this humble and unnoticed tomb Is Calvin laid â the dread of falling Rome; Mournâd by the good, and by the wicked fearâd By all who knew his excellence revered? From whom evân virtueâs self might virtue learn, And young and old its value may discern? âTwas modesty, his constant friend on earth, That laid this stone, unsculptured with a name; Oh! happy ground, enrichâd with Calvinâs worth, More lasting far than marble is thy fame! 13 Free to Be Forgotten In old Geneva, on the grounds of the college Calvin founded, stands an immense stone memorial to four leaders of the Protestant Reformation. At its center are towering reliefs of Calvin, Beza, Farel, and John Knox (1513â1572). Calvin would surely detest it. But the monument is a metaphor. We live in a culture that fears obscurity and irrelevance. We measure ourselves against others and build our own platforms in the hope that we will not be forgotten. We attempt to distinguish ourselves at the expense of the humility and modesty that honors Christ. Calvin would have us be free from such striving. For however anyone may be distinguished by illustrious endowments, he ought to consider with himself that they have not been conferred upon him that he might be self-complacent, that he might exalt himself, or even that he might hold himself in esteem. Let him, instead of this, employ himself in correcting and detecting his faults, and he will have abundant occasion for humility. In others, on the other hand, he will regard with honor whatever there is of excellences and will, by means of love, bury their faults. The man who will observe this rule, will feel no difficulty in preferring others before himself. And this, too, Paul meant when he added, that they ought not to have everyone a regard to themselves, but to their neighbors, or that they ought not to be devoted to themselves. Hence it is quite possible that a pious man, even though he should be aware that he is superior, may nevertheless hold others in greater esteem. 14 We may rightly regard Calvin as a hero of the faith, but he didnât ultimately see himself that way. Humility had taught him to walk modestly before God and others â and, in the end, the freedom to lie down in a forgotten grave. Theodore Beza, âThe Life of John Calvinâ in Tracts Related to the Reformation  (Edinburgh: Calvin Translation Society, 1844), 1:xcv. ⩠Beza, Tracts , 1:xcvi. ⩠Beza, Tracts , 1:xcvi. ⩠Eighteenth-century guidebooks indeed list the disused Plainpalais cemetery as an important stop for tourists, though they warn that pilgrims will search for Calvinâs resting place in vain. By the nineteenth century, keepers of the burial ground staked out a âlikely-enoughâ site for Calvinâs grave (complete with a rudimentary marker) simply to avoid the irritation of being so frequently asked. ⩠John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion , ed. John T. McNeill, trans. Ford Lewis Battles (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2011), 3.7.1 (emphasis mine). ⩠John Calvin, Commentaries on the Catholic Epistles , trans. John Owen (Edinburgh: T. Constable,1855), 149. ⩠John Calvin, Commentaries on the Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the Philippians, Colossians, and Thessalonians , trans. John Pringle (Edinburgh: T. Constable, 1851) 52â53. ⩠John Calvin, Commentary on the Psalms , trans. James Anderson (Edinburgh: Edinburg Printing Company, 1845), 1:xli, xlii. ⩠Calvin, Psalms , 1:xlii. ⩠Calvin, Psalms , 1:xlii. ⩠Calvin, Psalms , 1:xli, xliii. ⩠Beza, Tracts , 1:xci. ⩠Beza was widely known for his literary works. As a humanist, he became famous for his collection of Latin poems in Juvenilia , published just before his conversion in 1548. He continued to write poetry, satires, and dramas until the end of his life. Francis Sisbonâs nineteenth-century translation attempts to capture the sense of the Latin in a more familiar poetic form (Theodore Beza, The Life of John Calvin , trans. Francis Sibson, [Philadelphia: J. Whetham, 1836], 94). For the original text, see Calvin and Beza, Tracts , 1:xcvi. ⩠Calvin, Commentaries on the Epistles of Paul , 53. â©